Why Thien Ho's Congressional Campaign Failed Despite a Long List of High-Profile Endorsements

This race ultimately demonstrated several enduring realities of American politics

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Why Thien Ho's Congressional Campaign Failed Despite a Long List of High-Profile Endorsements
Photo by Egor Komarov / Unsplash

The unsuccessful congressional campaign of Sacramento County District Attorney Thien Ho provides a fascinating political case study in the limits of endorsements, name recognition, and elected office experience.

Just four years ago, Ho won a countywide election to become Sacramento County district attorney. He entered office after a highly publicized campaign and quickly became one of the region's most recognizable law enforcement figures, for among other things, filing a lawsuit against the city of Sacramento over their handling of the homelessness crisis.

His position gave him frequent media exposure, and his profile expanded further through national attention surrounding crime and public safety debates.

On paper, Ho appeared to possess many of the ingredients of a strong congressional candidate.

He assembled an impressive list of endorsements that included statewide constitutional officers, members of Congress, local elected officials, labor unions, tribal governments, business organizations, and political action committees. Among his supporters were California State Treasurer Fiona Ma, Sacramento Mayor Kevin McCarty, Sacramento County Sheriff Jim Cooper, Sacramento County Supervisors Rich Desmond and Patrick Kennedy, Assemblymember Stephanie Nguyen, Elk Grove Mayor Bobbie Singh-Allen, multiple members of the Elk Grove and Sacramento City Council, state legislators, labor unions, and the Wilton Rancheria.

Yet despite those advantages, Ho was unable to gain significant traction in California's 6th Congressional District primary.

The race ultimately demonstrated several enduring realities of American politics.

First, incumbency remains one of the most powerful forces in elections.

Ho was not running against an open seat. He was challenging an incumbent member of Congress, albeit in a different district, a task that has historically proven difficult even for well-funded and well-known challengers. Incumbents benefit from existing donor networks, constituent services, established voter relationships, and ongoing media exposure that challengers struggle to match.

Second, endorsements often matter far less than political insiders believe.

Political professionals devote enormous energy to accumulating endorsements. Campaigns frequently announce endorsements as though they are game-changing developments. In reality, most voters pay little attention to them.

While endorsements can help raise money, attract volunteers, and signal legitimacy to donors, they rarely persuade ordinary voters. Few voters decide whom to support because a mayor, county supervisor, union, or political action committee told them to do so.

Ho's lengthy endorsement roster demonstrated that point. Despite attracting support from some of the most prominent political figures and organizations in the Sacramento region and beyond, the endorsements failed to generate significant momentum among primary voters.

In some cases, some endorsements may negatively affect a candidacy. Social justice voters for instance may have been repelled by Ho's numerous law enforcement endorsements and attracted to other Democratic candidates. A kind of reverse virtue signal.

Third, fundraising and financing still matter - to a point. On that end, Ho was completive with the other Democratic frontrunner, Richard Pan.

But even being on par with Pan, Ho couldn't overcome other obstacles. We also saw that in Tom Steyer's failed gubernatorial campaign.

Perhaps most importantly, Ho's campaign revealed the dangers of relying too heavily on a professional identity that worked in a previous race but may not fit a different electorate.

In his social media posts, Ho often appeared to approach the campaign much as he would a criminal prosecution. His messaging frequently centered on making arguments, presenting evidence, and prosecuting a case against Donald Trump.

In many respects, he campaigned like a prosecutor seeking a conviction. But congressional campaigns are not jury trials.

Voters are not jurors. They are not confined to a courtroom, obligated to hear every argument, or required to evaluate evidence presented by competing sides.

Successful campaigns often depend less on constructing appeal-proof arguments and more on building emotional connections, inspiring enthusiasm, and creating a compelling vision of representation. Ho failed to make an emotional connection with voters.

The strategy that helped Ho become district attorney did not translate effectively to a congressional primary crowded with Democratic candidates competing for attention.

Perhaps the most striking result was Ho's performance relative to Lauren Babb Tomlinson.

Unlike Ho, Babb Tomlinson entered the race with little public profile and no previous electoral success. Prior to this election cycle, she was largely unknown to Sacramento-area voters. Yet as ballots were counted, Ho's support appeared to be running at roughly the same level as Babb Tomlinson's.

That comparison may be the most sobering takeaway of the entire race.

A sitting countywide elected official with national media exposure, extensive endorsements, and years of public service found himself performing similarly to a first-time congressional candidate with far less name recognition and institutional support.

The political implications are clear: endorsements cannot substitute for voter enthusiasm. Name recognition has limits.

Previous electoral success does not automatically transfer from one office to another. And even a highly credentialed candidate can struggle when challenging an incumbent in a congressional primary.

In the end, Ho's campaign serves as a reminder that politics remains one of the most unpredictable professions. The coalition that elects a district attorney is not necessarily the coalition that elects a member of Congress. What works in one race may fail entirely in another.

For students of politics, Thien Ho's 2026 congressional bid may become a textbook example of the difference between being known and being able to translate that recognition into votes.

Thien Ho Endorsements

Elected Officials

  • California State Treasurer Fiona Ma
  • U.S. Representative Derek Tran
  • U.S. Representative Adam Gray
  • Sacramento Mayor Kevin McCarty
  • Assemblymember Stephanie Nguyen
  • Assemblymember Maggy Krell
  • Sacramento County Sheriff Jim Cooper
  • Sacramento County Supervisor Rich Desmond
  • Sacramento County Supervisor Patrick Kennedy
  • Santa Clara County Supervisor Betty Duong
  • Sacramento City Councilmember Rick Jennings
  • Sacramento City Councilmember Phil Pluckebaum
  • Former Sacramento City Councilmember Steve Hansen
  • Placer County Superintendent of Schools Gayle Garbolino-Mojica
  • Elk Grove Mayor Bobbie Singh-Allen
  • Elk Grove Councilmember Sergio Robles
  • Elk Grove Councilmember Darren Suen
  • Elk Grove Councilmember Rod Brewer
  • Elk Grove Unified School District Trustee Sean Yang
  • Twin Rivers Unified School District Trustee Michael Baker
  • SMUD Director Gregg Fishman
  • SMUD Director Dave Tamayo
  • SMUD Director Rob Kerth

Political and Community Organizations

  • Blue Dog PAC
  • CalAsian PAC
  • California Democratic Council
  • California Hispanic Chambers of Commerce PAC
  • Coalition of Asian Pacific Americans (CAPA21)
  • JFK Democratic Club of Sacramento
  • Progressive Vietnamese American Organization (PIVOT)
  • Sacramento Democratic Alliance
  • Sacramento Hispanic Chamber of Commerce PAC
  • American Physicians for Change
  • Asian Americans for Good Government
  • California Association of Highway Patrolmen

Labor Organizations

  • IBEW Local 340
  • ILWU Local 18
  • North Coast States Carpenters Union
  • Plumbers & Pipefitters UA Local 447

Tribal Governments and Organizations

  • Wilton Rancheria
  • California Tribal Business Alliance